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By manu (India), Section Asia
The voyage of Caste politics has been rough, erratic and inconclusive. Official figures show that Brahmins, who make up just 5 percent of the population, still hold 70 percent of senior government jobs and 78 percent of all judicial positions. With strong parties like BSP, SP and RJD we are still living in age old Varna Vyavastha. Politics indeed is a game of emotions played by dangerous minds.
Segmentation of society has always been a perennial tool for acquiring power- both Political and Economical. The Vedic India had the quadruple division known as varna, the division was on the basis of colour to create units in society where the political and administrative powers could be vested on the white hued (svitnya)- the Aryans and the lowest stratum was subjugated to the dark skinned dasyus or shudra (the primitive who were trounced by Aryans). Hymns of Rig Veda don't speak of austere precincts on basis of Varna, but the caste system reached a definitive stage in the Mauryan Empire. We seek enough evidences in Greek writings. Kautilya Arthashastra cites caste system and errands of each category of the system. As the civilization grew the need for political and social segmentation strengthened the verses of Manava Dharamshastra (Institutes of Manu)
The evolution of this segmentation took volte-face after 2500 years of its inception. The last century has been momentous in re-writing the science of political dominance through caste, the Indian struggle for independence witnessed the confluence of all the four varnas into the social mainstream in order to show populist aspirations and will for independence. The foundation of the integration was laid by the social movements started by Jotiba Phule, the founder of the Satyashodhak Samaj and Sri Narayan Guru. Mahatma Gandhi was instrumental in bringing this segment of society to the political arena Bapu's decision was both political as well as social, political because a quarter of population with critical mass was indeed necessary to support any populist movement. This strategy also gave Indian National Congress a new look, a party representing elite with gaol of independence became a popular party representing India. The new age Chanakya did it very seamlessly and gave India close to 50 million people to the Political market place. British also premeditated the risk of this mass, and tried to bolden the eroding line through communal award in 1932 by granting the separate electorate. Gandhiji and Congress opposed it vehemently and thwarted British plan to abate the Struggle. Columbia educated Dr. BR Ambedkar was another prominent dalit leader, Independent Labour party formed by him in 1936 won only few seats in Bombay legislative assembly. He later concentrated on Schedule caste and formed a political party 'Scheduled Castes Federation' in April 1942 but never got a political mandate of mass leadership. He became Law Minister in the first cabinet after Independence, but he resigned from the ministry. Ambedkar was never germane in politics of those times as he is today. Another dalit leader from Bihar Jagjivan Ram formed Khetmajoor sabha, Babu jagjivan Ram was the dalit face of politically strong Bihar. Congress dalit ballot box was fortified by Kheetmajoor sabha merger. Later years of 60s saw emergence of backward politics in Northern belts, Indian states of UP, Bihar, Haryana and MP; it saw prominent leaders coming from this segment of society. The land reforms facilitated the landless with land and also guaranteed its protection. This empowered the peasants' primarily backward class and Dalits through economic improvement. Northern belt saw the emergence of backward leaders and political groups. During the 1970s, Dalit Panther Movement of Maharashtra gave coinage to the term Dalit, thus giving a unifying symbol. The Janata Dal led by Mulayam Singh Yadav in UP and Laloo Prasad Yadav in Bihar led to the materialization of a dominant backward caste politics in the late 1980s. Later Janata Dal got divided and Mulayam Singh Yadav and Laloo Prasad Yadav floated their own parties - Samajvadi Party (SP) and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) respectively. Both the parties are led by the dominant land-owning shudra castes. Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) emerged as a `Dalit' Party, started in 1984, and within a period of twenty years, it has transformed into the fourth largest political party in India. But today politics is taking a 360 degree turn, where parties like BSP primarily for Dalit are changing their political posture. In 1996 LS elections 17% of the tickets were allotted to upper caste. Samajwadi party gave 21% and 25% of its tickets in 1996 and 1998 general elections to upper caste. On the other hand brahmanical parties like BJP has increased their quota to backward and dalits. Dalit votes to BJP have gone up from 10% to 18% (1996-98). The voyage of Caste politics has been rough, erratic and inconclusive. Official figures show that Brahmins, who make up just 5 percent of the population, still hold 70 percent of senior government jobs and 78 percent of all judicial positions. With strong parties like BSP, SP and RJD we are still living in age old Varna Vyavastha. Politics indeed is a game of emotions played by dangerous minds. Advertisement
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Indian Politics Of Caste | 24 comments (24 topical, 0 hidden)
Indian Politics Of Caste | 24 comments (24 topical, 0 hidden)
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